Part 5 of the Great BASH Series
Written by Doug Scott, LCSW, MA
Audio:
“Tuesday will be Power Plant Day, and Bridge Day, all wrapped up in one, in Iran. There will be nothing like it!!! Open the Fuckin’ Strait, you crazy bastards, or you’ll be living in Hell – JUST WATCH! Praise be to Allah. President DONALD J. TRUMP”
— Donald Trump, Truth Social, Easter Sunday morning, 8:03 AM, April 5, 2026
“My proudest legacy will be that of a peacemaker and unifier. That’s what I want to be: a peacemaker and a unifier.”
— Donald Trump, Inaugural Address, January 20, 2025
“Let those who have weapons lay them down! Let those who have the power to unleash wars choose peace!”
— Pope Leo XIV, Easter Urbi et Orbi, St. Peter’s Basilica, April 5, 2026
What Easter Revealed
I did not plan to write a fifth installment this soon. Part 4—The Prayer at the Pentagon—was published a week ago. But the Easter weekend that just unfolded has made everything I have been writing about in this series visible at a scale and intensity that I think requires a response while the images are still fresh.
This post is shorter than the previous four. It does not lay new theoretical groundwork. It applies the framework we already have to four days that compressed the entire Great BASH into a single holiday weekend—the holiest weekend on the Christian calendar turned inside out, the sym-bolon of the Resurrection converted into a vehicle for threats of civilizational annihilation. What was building is here. What was subsurface is now the text.
Good Friday: The Day of Surrender Becomes the Day of Boasting
Good Friday is the day Christians sit inside death. The liturgical tradition strips the altars. The cross is venerated. The readings recount the Passion. The entire structure of the day asks the worshipper to inhabit the space of surrender—kenosis, self-emptying, the grain of wheat falling into the earth and dying so that it might bear fruit. It is the one day in the Christian year that resists triumphalism. You cannot win on Good Friday. You can only consent to the dying.
The self-described peacemaker and unifier—the man who told the nation from the inaugural podium that his proudest legacy would be as a peacemaker16—used this day to post a boast about jobs numbers. “A very happy and blessed Good Friday to all, especially to the 186,000 Americans who gained Private Sector jobs in the month of March alone!” He credited his tariff policies. He claimed the trade deficit had shrunk by 52%. He signed it President DONALD J. TRUMP.1
There was no mention of the two U.S. warplanes shot down by Iran that same day, or of the crew member still missing in the mountains of Iran—casualties of a war this peacemaker started five weeks earlier. The grandiose self cannot hold the Friday energy. It cannot sit inside loss, inside not-knowing, inside the vulnerability of a nation that has just lost aircraft and personnel. It must immediately convert the moment into a display of winning. The theological content of the day—the deepest thing Christianity has to say about the relationship between death and life—becomes wallpaper behind the real message, which is always: I am triumphing.
Holy Saturday: The Ultimatum
Holy Saturday is the most neglected day of the Triduum. The tradition calls it the Harrowing of Hell—the descent of Christ into the realm of the dead, the place where nothing can be done, the space of pure waiting. The Orthodox icon of the Anastasis shows Christ reaching into that darkness and pulling Adam and Eve out by the wrists. The gesture is one of rescue—but it comes from within the darkness, not from above it. Christ does not bomb hell from the sky. He enters it.
On Holy Saturday, Trump posted his ultimatum: “Remember when I gave Iran ten days to MAKE A DEAL or OPEN UP THE HORMUZ STRAIT. Time is running out – 48 hours before all Hell will reign down on them.” The White House reposted it with the tagline: “Glory be to GOD!”2
I want to hold these two images side by side for a moment, because they are the diagnostic frame for the entire weekend. In one image, Christ descends into hell to rescue the captive. In the other, the president threatens to send hell raining down from above and attributes the threat to God’s glory. The direction is reversed. The name is the same. This is the Third Commandment violation—Lo tissa—at liturgical scale: the name of God carried as a banner over the precise inversion of what the day commemorates.8
Easter Sunday: The Resurrection Inverted
At 8:03 AM on Easter morning—the morning the Christian world proclaims Christ’s victory over death, the morning the liturgy declares that love has outlasted violence—the president posted the threat that fact-checkers scrambled to confirm was real, because it sounded too unhinged to be authentic.3
He threatened to destroy Iran’s power plants and bridges on Tuesday. He used profanity. He called Iran’s leaders “crazy bastards.” He closed with “Praise be to Allah”—a phrase that is neither sincere Islamic devotion nor theological engagement. It is mockery deployed as dominance display, the name of God in yet another tradition weaponized as a taunt. He signed it with his name in capital letters. He did not go to church.
The Easter message from the same man, released through the White House two days earlier, had invoked “the Resurrection of Jesus Christ, whose triumph over sin and victory over death secured the promise of redemption.” The formal statement speaks the language of the tradition. The 8:03 AM post speaks the language of the egregore. Both carry God’s name. One carries it toward what the tradition means by resurrection—life emerging from within death, love outlasting violence. The other carries it toward annihilation and calls the annihilation holy.
Later that evening, still on Easter Sunday, Trump posted a video of Somali immigrants shopping at the Mall of America, set to the Tears for Fears song “Mad World.” Between midnight and 2 AM, he raged against the Supreme Court over birthright citizenship and endorsed a candidate for California governor while calling the sitting governor “Newscum.”15 Easter Sunday—the feast of universal resurrection, of death swallowed up in victory—became, in a single posting cycle, a vehicle for war threats, anti-immigrant fearmongering, judicial attacks, and personal insults. The day was consumed.
A Pilot Reborn: The Secretary of War’s Easter Homily
On Monday, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth stood at the White House podium and delivered what amounted to a sermon. He described the rescue of the downed airman—a genuinely courageous man who survived extraordinary conditions—and then drew the parallel explicitly: “Shot down on a Friday—Good Friday—hidden in a cave, a crevice, all of Saturday, and rescued on Sunday. Flown out of Iran as the sun was rising on Easter Sunday. A pilot reborn. All home and accounted for. A nation rejoicing. God is good.”4
I need to say clearly what is happening here, because it is the Prayer at the Pentagon carried forward into explicit Christological territory.
Hegseth is comparing a military pilot to the risen Christ. The cave becomes the tomb. The rescue becomes the Resurrection. The military operation becomes Easter. And through this comparison, the entire war—Operation Epic Fury, the bombing of Iran, the destruction of infrastructure, the closure of the Strait—is absorbed into the sacred narrative. The war becomes part of the Easter story. If the pilot’s rescue is a resurrection, then the war that put him in that cave is part of God’s plan. The suffering becomes sacred. The violence becomes providential. The crusade framework that was present in Hegseth’s tattoos and prayers is now being spoken aloud from a government podium as Christological interpretation.
And Trump added his own theological commentary. Asked whether God supports the U.S. in this war, he replied: “I do, because God is good. God wants to see people taken care of. God doesn’t like what’s happening.” Then, in the same breath: “I don’t like what’s happening. Everyone says I enjoy—I don’t enjoy this. . . . I don’t like seeing people killed. I’ve ended eight wars.” And then, unprompted, he recounted how María Corina Machado gave him her Nobel Peace Prize medal: “She said, ‘No, no, no, this is ridiculous. They gave me the Nobel Prize. President Trump ended eight wars.’”20
Eight wars ended—spoken at a podium where, moments earlier, the same man had promised to bomb every bridge and power plant in Iran by midnight. The Nobel medal in his possession. The peacemaker identity and the annihilation threat occupy the same sentence, the same press conference, the same mouth. And Trump sees no contradiction, because the grandiose self does not experience contradiction. It experiences a continuous narrative of triumph in which every action—war and peace alike—confirms the self’s centrality to history.
In the Power vs. Authority framework: Authority does not need to announce that God is on its side. A person secure in genuine spiritual grounding does not narrate God’s preferences as though God were a spectator cheering for the home team. What we are hearing is Power reaching for Authority’s vocabulary—the language of providence, of divine favor, of Easter itself—because the vocabulary lends cosmic legitimacy to actions that cannot stand on their own merits. The logismoi are in full voice: thoughts wearing the clothing of Logos while pulling toward disorder.5
“It All Began with Greenland”
One moment from Monday’s press conference deserves its own heading, because it reveals the architecture underneath the theological framing.
Near the end of the conference, Trump volunteered: “You know, it all began with, you want to know the truth, Greenland. We want Greenland. They don’t want to give it to us. And I said, ‘Bye, bye.’”7
This is the narcissistic center accidentally revealing the origin story of a war being framed as God’s will. Not intelligence assessments. Not nuclear proliferation analysis. Not strategic doctrine. Greenland. A territorial acquisition fantasy that, when rebuffed, triggered a cascade of dominance displays that eventually produced a bombing campaign against Iran—a campaign now being described as an Easter miracle with Christ-parallel rescue narratives and divine endorsement.
George Friedman’s geopolitical realism would need to construct a strategic rationale connecting Greenland to the Strait of Hormuz. The BASH framework does not need to, because the connection is not strategic. It is psychological. The grandiose self experienced a wound—Denmark said no—and the wound generated a series of dominance escalations whose logic is emotional, not geopolitical. Each escalation requires a larger stage to justify itself. And the theological framing grows in proportion to the gap between the stated rationale and the actual driver. The more tenuous the strategic case becomes, the more God needs to be invoked to fill the space.
The Peacemaker’s War
The Greenland admission connects to a thread that runs through the entire arc of the Trump presidency and converges with particular force this Easter weekend: the peacemaker identity.
On January 20, 2025, Trump stood on the Capitol steps and told the nation: “We will measure our success not only by the battles we win but also by the wars that we end — and perhaps most importantly, the wars we never get into. My proudest legacy will be that of a peacemaker and unifier.”16 On the campaign trail, he had called Joe Biden a “warmonger” and promised to end the conflicts in Ukraine and Gaza. He built his entire political brand on the claim that he, uniquely, would keep America out of war.
What followed was the most sustained presidential pursuit of a peace prize in modern history. Special envoy Steve Witkoff—Trump’s golf companion turned itinerant diplomat—told a Cabinet meeting that there was only one thing he wished for: “that the Nobel committee finally gets its act together and realizes that you are the single finest candidate” for the prize.18 Trump told a military gathering that it would be “a big insult to America” if the committee did not give him the award. When the 2025 Nobel Peace Prize went instead to Venezuelan opposition leader María Corina Machado, Trump spent months fuming—cold-calling Norwegian diplomats, publishing screeds on Truth Social—until Machado herself gave him her medal in January 2026, a gesture the Nobel Institute publicly noted was ceremonially meaningless since Nobel Prizes cannot be shared or transferred. FIFA, currying favor ahead of the 2026 World Cup, invented its own peace prize and handed it to him.19
Then came the text message to Norway’s Prime Minister that ties the peacemaker thread directly to the Greenland admission and, through it, to the war itself. On January 18, 2026—weeks before the first bombs fell on Iran—Trump wrote to Prime Minister Støre: “Considering your Country decided not to give me the Nobel Peace Prize for having stopped 8 Wars PLUS, I no longer feel an obligation to think purely of Peace.” The same message demanded “Complete and Total Control of Greenland.”17
Read that sentence again. The president of the United States told a foreign head of state that because he did not receive a prize, he no longer felt obligated to pursue peace. The peacemaker identity was never a commitment. It was a transaction. And when the transaction failed—when the prize did not come, when Denmark would not hand over Greenland, when the world would not confirm the grandiose self’s version of itself—the peacemaker became the warmaker. Six weeks later, the bombs fell on Iran.
And here is the detail that completes the circuit. In a leaked transcript, Witkoff—the same envoy who called Trump “the single finest candidate” for the Peace Prize—was caught coaching Putin’s top foreign policy adviser to flatter Trump as “a man of peace” in order to extract better negotiating terms for Russia. Witkoff and Trump’s son-in-law Jared Kushner—the “peace team”—were simultaneously pursuing billions of dollars in personal business deals with Russia.18 The “peace team” is a business team wearing peace as a brand. The peacemaker identity functions the way the Easter post functions, the way the God endorsement functions: as clothing. The logismoi wear whatever vocabulary serves the moment. On Monday, with Iran’s bridges in the crosshairs, Trump stood at the podium, cited his eight ended wars, recounted how Machado gave him her Nobel medal, and then threatened to send a civilization to the Stone Age. The peacemaker and the annihilator share a body and see no contradiction.
After the Iran war began, a reporter asked Trump about the Nobel Prize. “I’m not interested in it,” he said.21 The peacemaker, having failed to receive the world’s validation for peace, discards the identity altogether. The grandiose self does not grieve what it cannot have. It annihilates the desire and moves to the next source of supply.
“A Whole Civilization Will Die Tonight”
This morning—Tuesday, April 7—the president posted what is, by any measure, the most extreme public statement issued by an American president in the nuclear age: “A whole civilization will die tonight, never to be brought back again. I don’t want that to happen, but it probably will.”6
Iran is the heir to one of the oldest continuous civilizations on earth—three thousand years of Persian history, poetry, philosophy, architecture, and religious thought. The president of the United States—the self-described peacemaker and unifier—has just announced, on social media, that this civilization will die tonight.
When the White House was asked what “whole civilization” means, the spokesperson replied: “Refer to the TRUTH.” The platform has become the oracle.
This is the grandiose self inflated to its maximum extension: the self that decides whether a civilization lives or dies, tonight, on its own timeline, and frames the decision as “one of the most important moments in the long and complex history of the World.” The language is not military. Generals do not talk about civilizations dying. This is the language of omnipotence fantasy—the self imagining itself as the hinge of planetary history. And then the characteristic hedging: “I don’t want that to happen, but it probably will”—which allows the self to claim both godlike destructive power and reluctant compassion in the same breath.
From the inaugural address to this morning’s post, in fifteen months, we have traveled from “My proudest legacy will be that of a peacemaker” to “A whole civilization will die tonight.” From Good Friday to Easter Tuesday, in five days, from “Happy Good Friday, my tariffs are great” to the same destination. The escalation follows the logic of the orange-ray blockage under pressure: when the self cannot stabilize through the normal mechanisms of adulation and dominance display, it escalates. Each deadline that passes without capitulation is experienced as a wound to the grandiose self, and the wound generates a larger threat, which requires a larger theological justification, which produces a larger gap between the stated goals and the actual psychology.9
The Information Architecture of Easter
One dimension of this weekend that cannot be left unexamined is the information architecture that mediated these events to the American public.
Fox News’s prime-time programming spent the weekend presenting the airman rescue as the dominant Easter story—and it is a genuinely compelling one. The bravery of the aircrew is real. The complexity of the rescue operation is real. The emotional power of the narrative absorbs the viewer’s entire bandwidth and becomes the frame through which everything else is processed. The profanity-laden threat on Easter morning becomes background texture. The “Praise be to Allah” mockery becomes a quirk. The skipping of church becomes invisible. Sean Hannity declared the war one of “the greatest military victories” in history. Jesse Watters ran a ten-minute monologue on Iran’s collapsing leverage. Hegseth’s resurrection comparison was presented as authentic Christian witness.10
The Pentagon’s $200 billion supplemental funding request for the war received less than one minute of airtime across Fox’s entire prime-time lineup.11 Gas prices at $4.11 national average. War crimes concerns raised by Democratic and Republican voices. The UN Secretary General’s warning about targeting civilian infrastructure. Trump’s declining approval ratings on the war. The 45-day ceasefire proposal rejected by both sides. All either absent from Fox prime time or reduced to “Democrat talking points.”
The split within conservative media is itself being suppressed. Tucker Carlson has accused Fox of feeding Trump “fake polling.” Megyn Kelly has called Hannity’s show “full propaganda.” The Daily Wire’s Michael Knowles has warned that the war risks Trump’s “entire presidential legacy.” Laura Ingraham briefly broke ranks to warn about “cascading problems”—and reversed herself within 24 hours. These voices exist outside the Fox prime-time ecosystem. A Fox-only viewer would not know they exist.
The feedback loop is no longer hidden. Mark Levin used Fox airtime after the initial strikes in February to take credit for the war: “There were a handful of us who encouraged this night.”12 Fox personalities advocate for the war. Trump watches and acts. The same personalities celebrate the action. The loop sustains itself. The egregore feeds itself through the information architecture the same way it feeds itself through the theological architecture—by capturing the channels through which reality is mediated and replacing complexity with narrative.
Two Voices on Easter Morning
There were two voices on Easter morning, and they said opposite things.
Pope Leo XIV—the first American pope, speaking from St. Peter’s balcony during his first Easter as Bishop of Rome—said: “Let those who have weapons lay them down! Let those who have the power to unleash wars choose peace!” He described Easter as “the victory of life over death” and warned that humanity is growing “accustomed to violence, becoming indifferent to the deaths of thousands.”13
Donald Trump, from his phone, at the same hour, on the same morning, said: Open the strait or you’ll be living in hell.
One man speaks from a balcony without weapons and asks for peace. The other posts from a phone threatening to end a civilization while invoking God’s name. The Power vs. Authority diagnostic has never been rendered in a single frame with this kind of clarity. Authority does not curse. Authority does not mock. Authority does not threaten to destroy a civilization on the morning the tradition says death itself has been destroyed. Authority speaks from the vulnerability of an open hand and trusts that the truth will do its own work.
And there was a third voice—one I did not expect. Former Representative Marjorie Taylor Greene, once among the most fervent MAGA loyalists, wrote: “Everyone in his administration that claims to be a Christian needs to fall on their knees and beg forgiveness from God and stop worshiping the President and intervene in Trump’s madness.”14
Stop worshiping the President. When even a former insider names the dynamic as worship, the egregore’s architecture is becoming visible to people who were, until recently, inside it. Something is surfacing. Whether it can be sustained against the enormous pressures of the information architecture and the tribal identity structure—that remains to be seen. But the naming matters. In every contemplative tradition, the capacity to see the pattern is the precondition for freedom from the pattern.
The Egregore’s Easter
I have said throughout this series that the Great BASH is ontologically real—a planetary-sized thoughtform with its own primitive sentience, created by human focus, sustained by human worship, capable of being intensified by non-planetary negative entities but fundamentally ours. We built it. We feed it.
This Easter weekend was, I believe, the egregore’s most concentrated public feeding in the life of this series. The fuel was not crude bellicosity—we have seen plenty of that. The fuel was the sacred calendar itself, consumed and converted. Every element of the Triduum was inverted: Good Friday’s kenosis became a platform for boasting. Holy Saturday’s descent into hell became an ultimatum to rain hell down. Easter’s resurrection—life emerging from death through love—became a profanity-laden threat of civilizational destruction, a military pilot compared to the risen Christ, and a president declaring that God is cheering for his war. The liturgical calendar provided the raw material. The egregore consumed it.
And the generative mechanism is, as I said in Part 4, morally neutral. The same engine that produces shekinah and charis—the numinous quality of sacred space deepened by genuine prayer—also produces the Great BASH when the worship is directed toward domination. What happened this weekend was worship. The fervor was real. The devotion of Hegseth, of the MAGA faithful who celebrated the Easter post, of Laura Loomer declaring “This is what I voted for”—the energy is genuine. That is what makes it so potent as fuel. The egregore does not feed on cynicism. It feeds on sincere worship directed at the wrong object.
The Desert Fathers would have recognized every moment of this weekend. The logismoi—the intrusive thoughts that wear the clothing of Logos while pulling toward fragmentation—are operating at civilizational scale. The language of Easter, of resurrection, of God’s goodness, of prayer and praise—all the vocabulary of the sym-bolon, of gathering-together—deployed in service of the dia-bolon, of tearing-apart. And the peacemaker identity belongs to the same mechanism: the word peace worn as clothing by the self whose every instinct drives toward domination. The confusion is the mechanism. It does not work by making evil look evil. It works by making evil look holy—and the warmaker look like a peacemaker.
And the contemplative task remains what it has been from Part 1 of this series: to see it. To name it. To refuse to meet it with more bellicosity—that only feeds the same thoughtform from the other side. To hold the mirror up, including to ourselves, because the pattern lives in all of us. To choose, in whatever small way we can, the sym-bolon over the dia-bolon: the encounter over the annihilation, the Francis over the crusader, the open hand over the closed fist.
A whole civilization will die tonight, the president says. The contemplative tradition says something different. A whole civilization is being born—and the birth pangs look exactly like this. The fourth-density energies pressing on the Terran field do not produce elevation where the foundational centers remain unintegrated. They produce intensification. What is unresolved surfaces with greater force. The shadow becomes visible because the light is increasing. This weekend was not a departure from the planetary process. It was the process, surfacing what has been there all along, at volume we can no longer pretend not to hear.
The question—the only question that has ever mattered in this series—is what we do with the catalyst. The BASH converts catalyst into weapons. The contemplative tradition holds catalyst as opening. The choice is before us right now, tonight, in this moment. It is always before us.
This is my limited, partial, open-handed offering. Take what is useful. Leave what is not.
This post is part of the Great BASH Project at cosmicchrist.net, an ongoing series examining authoritarian political movements through psychological, geopolitical, and metaphysical lenses. Previous installments: How the Egregore Great BASH Shows Itself at the Threshold of Human Shift (March 10, 2026); The Terran Self at War with Itself (March 2026); The Billionaire Who Named His Surveillance Company After Sauron’s Weapon and Then Lectured on the Antichrist (March 2026); The Prayer at the Pentagon (March 31, 2026).
Notes
1. Donald Trump, Truth Social post, April 3, 2026, 5:53 PM ET. Archived at trumpstruth.org/statuses/37577. The post claimed 186,000 private-sector jobs added in March (the Bureau of Labor Statistics reported 178,000). Trump made no mention of the two U.S. warplanes shot down that day by Iran or the missing crew member. See also PatriotTakes (@patriottakes.bsky.social), April 3, 2026; Joe.My.God., “Trump: ‘Happy Good Friday,’ My Tariffs Are Fantastic,” April 3, 2026.
2. Donald Trump, Truth Social post, April 4, 2026. The White House official X account (@WhiteHouse) reposted the message with the tagline “Glory be to GOD!” See CNN, “Analysis: Trump and Hegseth on Iran war: ‘God is good,’” April 6, 2026; The Hill, “Donald Trump vows to strike Iran infrastructure: ‘Open the F——in’ Strait,’” April 5, 2026.
3. Donald Trump, Truth Social post, April 5, 2026, 8:03 AM ET. Confirmed real by Lead Stories, “Fact Check: President Trump’s Easter Morning Truth Social Post Saying ‘Open The F——kin Strait, You Crazy Bastards’ Is Real,” April 5, 2026. Also reported by AP (via NPR, PBS, Washington Post), CNN, Fox News, NBC News, Al Jazeera, The Hill.
4. Pete Hegseth, White House press conference, April 6, 2026. Reported by Fox News (“Hegseth ties Iran rescue to Easter story and Jesus Christ: ‘A pilot reborn,’” April 6, 2026); NPR; CNN; Mediaite; PBS; Al Jazeera; Raw Story; IBTimes UK.
5. Donald Trump, White House press conference, April 6, 2026. Full transcript via SingjuPost, April 7, 2026. Confirmed by Washington Post (“Trump says God supports U.S. in Iran war,” April 6, 2026); Washington Times; CNN; NPR.
6. Donald Trump, Truth Social post, April 7, 2026, approx. 8:00 AM ET. Reported by NBC News, CBS News, CNBC, Al Jazeera. When asked what “whole civilization” meant, White House spokesperson Anna Kelly responded: “Refer to the TRUTH.” (NBC News).
7. Donald Trump, White House press conference, April 6, 2026. Reported by CNBC, April 7, 2026.
8. Exodus 20:7. See Part 4 of this series for the full development of the Third Commandment framework, including Richard Rohr’s interpretation, Rabbi Joseph Telushkin, David Klinghoffer, and Carmen Joy Imes.
9. Ra Material (The Law of One), Session 41.14. See Parts 1–2 of this series for the full orange-ray overlay framework. Session 15.12: “Power over individuals may be seen to be orange ray.”
10. Media Matters for America, “Right-wing media figures castigate Fox News for pushing ‘blatant propaganda’ on war in Iran,” April 6, 2026. See also Media Matters, “Fox’s Laura Ingraham pivots back to pro-Trump propaganda on Iran war,” April 1, 2026; Mediaite, “Fox News Downplays Bad News in Trump’s Iran War Coverage,” March 2026.
11. Media Matters for America, “Prime-time Fox shows gave less than a minute of airtime to the Pentagon’s $200 billion Iran funding request,” March 2026.
12. Mark Levin, Fox News special coverage, February 28, 2026. Reported by Media Matters for America.
13. Pope Leo XIV, Easter Urbi et Orbi message, St. Peter’s Basilica, April 5, 2026. Reported by NPR, PBS, AP, CNN.
14. Marjorie Taylor Greene, post on X, April 5, 2026. Reported by the Daily Beast, April 6–7, 2026.
15. Late Sunday through early Monday, Trump posted: a video of Somali shoppers at the Mall of America set to Tears for Fears’ “Mad World”; an attack on the Supreme Court over birthright citizenship; an endorsement of Steve Hilton for California governor calling Newsom “Gavin Newscum.” Reported by the Daily Beast, April 6–7, 2026; archived at trumpstruth.org.
16. Donald Trump, Inaugural Address, January 20, 2025: “We will measure our success not only by the battles we win but also by the wars that we end — and perhaps most importantly, the wars we never get into. My proudest legacy will be that of a peacemaker and unifier. That’s what I want to be: a peacemaker and a unifier.” Full transcript at whitehouse.gov. During the 2024 campaign, Trump called Joe Biden a “warmonger” and promised to end the conflicts in Ukraine and Gaza. See Common Dreams, “Trump Said He Would Be a ‘Peace President’ But ‘It Was All Lies,’ Say Critics,” June 25, 2025.
17. Donald Trump, text message to Norwegian Prime Minister Jonas Gahr Støre, January 18, 2026: “Considering your Country decided not to give me the Nobel Peace Prize for having stopped 8 Wars PLUS, I no longer feel an obligation to think purely of Peace, although it will always be predominant, but can now think about what is good and proper for the United States of America.” The same message demanded “Complete and Total Control of Greenland.” Støre reminded Trump the Nobel Committee is independent of the Norwegian government. Reported by Poynter/PolitiFact, January 21, 2026; the Daily Beast, February 15–16, 2026; Newsweek, March 2026.
18. Steve Witkoff, remarks at Cabinet meeting, 2025: “There’s only one thing I wish for—that the Nobel committee finally gets its act together and realizes that you are the single finest candidate” for the prize. Reported by Newsweek, August 27, 2025; Al Jazeera, October 9, 2025. In a separate leaked transcript, Witkoff coached Putin’s top foreign policy adviser Yuri Ushakov to flatter Trump as “a man of peace” to secure better negotiating terms. Witkoff and Jared Kushner were simultaneously pursuing billions of dollars in business deals with Russia. Reported by Raw Story, December 9, 2025, citing Wall Street Journal reporting.
19. Venezuelan opposition leader María Corina Machado, who won the 2025 Nobel Peace Prize, gave her medal to Trump in January 2026. The Norwegian Nobel Institute published a reminder that Nobel Prizes cannot be shared or transferred. Trump had previously told a military gathering it would be “a big insult to America” if he did not receive the award (Al Jazeera, October 9, 2025). FIFA invented its own peace prize and awarded it to Trump in December 2025 ahead of the 2026 World Cup (Daily Beast, February 15, 2026).
20. Donald Trump, White House press conference, April 6, 2026: “I don’t like what’s happening. Everyone says I enjoy — I don’t enjoy this. . . . I don’t like seeing people killed. I’ve ended eight wars.” And: “The person who won the Nobel Prize came to me and said, ‘You deserve the Nobel Prize.’ . . . She said, ‘No, no, no, this is ridiculous. They gave me the Nobel Prize. President Trump ended eight wars.’” Transcript via SingjuPost; video via Aaron Rupar (@atrupar), April 6, 2026. See also The New Republic, April 6, 2026.
21. After the Iran war began, Trump told the Washington Examiner he was “not interested” in the Nobel Peace Prize. Reported by Anadolu Agency, March 2026.
Building 4th Cosmic Christ 